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CURRENT ISSUE |
After a few years of intense preparatory
work, riddled with controversy and conducted amidst political and social
turbulence, Russia adopted its first, post-communist criminal code. [FN1]
The adoption of the code is supposed to be an important step towards fundamental
overhauling of the Russian legal system in general and its penal system
in particular. [FN2] The code became effective January 1, 1997, i.e., on
the same day as the 1996 statute on the Courts System of the Russian Federation.
[FN3] Both were closely followed by the new correctional code signed into
the law by President Yeltsin on January 8, 1997. [FN4] Another crucial
legislative act dealing with the criminal process--the new code of criminal
procedure, is still pending before the Russian *376 Parliament.
Its adoption is expected in 1999. [FN5] The new Russian criminal code deserves
close attention and study by the Western legal community for several reasons:
it is widely known that contemporary Russia is engulfed by a high tide
of common criminality and official corruption [FN6] which presents a serious
threat to her political stability and tends to retard, if not arrest, her
progress towards democracy and the rule of law. Numerous Russia-based criminal
organizations reach far beyond its territory and present a menace to many
foreign countries including several nations of Western Europe and the United
States. [FN7] The quality of substantive criminal law, while being only
one of many factors in Russia's "war on crime," under the circumstances,
obviously deserves our close attention. Moreover, the new code represents
a major effort at discarding a lawless and repressive Soviet legacy and
joining the mainstream of progressive penological cultures. Thus, the new
Russian criminal code should be studied from the perspective of sound penal
policy as well as the perspective of its compatibility with the requirements
of the rule of law and protection of basic human rights. At the same time
one should realize that the study of the new code, especially at the early
stages of its operation, will give us only limited knowledge about the
realities of criminal justice in contemporary Russia. We can learn quite
a lot from the code about the aspirational, the exhortative, and the normative
aspects of substantive criminal law, but next to nothing about its functioning
in practice. Such a note of caution, which would be in order with respect
to a new codification in any country, is of special relevance to contemporary
Russia where the correspondence between normative promises on one hand
and operational reality on the other is extremely loose and at many crucial
points plainly non- existent.
*377 The study of the new criminal
code is greatly facilitated by the volume under review. [FN8] Professor
Anatolii V. Naumov, a leading Russian academic authority on criminal law,
has written an important, comprehensive and informative textbook based
on the new code. The substantive core of the book consists of a presentation
of general principles and doctrines of the contemporary Russian penal law.
[FN9] Within this broad subject area one can discern three major topical
segments devoted to: 1) structure, interpretation and operation of criminal
legislation; [FN10] 2) a concept of crime, its constituent elements and
basic doctrines of criminal responsibility (such as inchoate crimes, complicity,
substantive criminal law defenses); [FN11] and, 3) criminal punishment.
[FN12]
Although most of the text, understandably,
is devoted to an exposition and analysis of the new code, the book represents
more than an extensive commentary to its provisions. A good many pages
are devoted to the history of Russian criminal legislation as well as the
history of penological thought in Russia and abroad. [FN13] In a separate
chapter, Naumov surveys relevant doctrines of major contemporary *378
penal systems: including, among other jurisdictions, England, France, Germany,
Italy, Japan and the United States. [FN14]
Professor Naumov's effort to put the new
Russian criminal code in a historical and comparative perspective should
be applauded as particularly pertinent at this time. The country's old
social, political and economic systems and it corresponding ideology collapsed
quite recently. Russia strives for a deep transformation by building a
society based on private property, market economy, political pluralism
and the rule of law. These fundamental changes--Naumov asserts--rendered
the old Russian/Soviet criminal code of 1960, in spite of numerous amendments,
hopelessly obsolete. The new code is, allegedly, qualitatively different
since it makes a definite break with the communist past; it rejects the
value system on which its predecessor was based. First of all, it rejects
the priority of governmental interests over the interests of the individual.
The axiology of the new code puts interests of the individual, above all
his life, liberty and autonomy, at the top of the hierarchy of values.
Consequently, the new code is pervaded by the ideology of human rights
and makes their protection its central concern. Naumov points out how this
value reorientation is reflected in the code's structure and its particular
provisions. Thus, the new code articulates as its fundamental predicates
several "principles", namely legality, equality of citizens before law,
culpability, justice and humanitarianism (arts. 3-7). [FN15] The structure
of the special part of the code is also indicative of the new axiology--crimes
against the individual are put on the top of the list, while crimes against
the state authority are given lower priority. Thus, the hierarchy of interests
protected by criminal legislation of the communist era has been reversed.
[FN16] One might add that this new value orientation is also reflected
in statutory sanctions, for example, even the gravest crimes against state
authority, such as high treason, espionage *379 or violent overthrow
of the government, under the new code are non-capital offenses. [FN17]
Naumov views criminal legislation of the
Soviet era with a very critical eye as one of the instrumentalities of
unjust repression trampling upon basic human rights. Some of the major
targets of his criticism are infamous provisions criminalizing anti-Soviet
agitation and propaganda, various religious activities as well as leading
a "parasitic way of life." [FN18] Given the author's well justified, sharply
critical opinion about Soviet criminal law, however, one is somewhat puzzled
by his high regard for some of its chief operators, particularly for the
Supreme Court of the USSR. [FN19]
Naumov suggests that pre-revolutionary
Russian criminal law, at least from the time of the judicial reforms of
the 1860's, was a part and parcel of enlightened and progressive continental
European legal culture. [FN20] This line of progressive development was
brutally interrupted by victorious Bolsheviks. Naumov seems to suggest
that the Soviet period should be perceived as a monstrous deviation in
the Russian legal history. After a meltdown of the communist regime, Russian
criminal law is--we are to believe--returning to its true roots and reclaiming
its membership in the community of civilized systems. In other words, after
a long and tragic detour, Russian law is "coming home"--back to its continental
European cradle. The new criminal code is supposed to represent a major
step in this direction. [FN21]
To what extent does the code, particularly
its General Part, fulfill these hopes and aspirations? To what extent does
it measure up to *380 the standards of modern codifications of Western
European vintage? How successful were its draftsmen in overcoming the now
strongly disapproved legacy of the Soviet past? Particularly, to what extent
has the code managed to eradicate overbreadth, vagueness as well as excessive
severity, some of the outstanding characteristics of Soviet penal law?
Needless to say, even partial answers to
these questions would exceed the narrow limits of a book review. In my
opinion, undertaking an extensive study pursuing broad questions of the
kind would be a worthwhile project. It is my impression, however, that
the code falls short of such expectations and some of the reasons are quite
transparent. It was prepared in a relatively short time, in a hasty manner,
amidst political conflicts and social upheavals. As a German commentator
observed, many of the code solutions were arrived at by way of political
compromise rather than on their merits. [FN22] Many of these have not been
thought through, while some important issues have been simply ignored.
Under the circumstances it is not surprising that even before the code
became effective, a debate erupted about the need to amend it. [FN23] More
recently, amendments to the code approved by the Russian Parliament were
rejected by President Yeltsin. Thus the adoption of the code, as it was
aptly observed, failed to bring stability to Russian criminal law. [FN24]
One of the reasons why the new Russian
code deviates significantly from its modern European counterparts [FN25]
is the experience of intellectual isolation of the country's legal community
under the Soviet regime. The task assigned to Soviet legal academia was
not so much to study and analyze Western legal developments, but rather
to denounce them and demonstrate their reactionary essence. Naumov quite
justifiably complains about cultural isolation from the West in which Soviet
lawyers had to labor for many years. [FN26]
These years of estrangement are even now
taking their toll after the political barriers were razed. It appears that
even top level Russian experts, such as Professor Naumov himself, do not
share in some basic analytical concepts and methods which have become widely
accepted in countries of the West. A case in point is a "structured" approach
to crime analysis. According to this approach, criminal responsibility
may not be found unless an actor's conduct meets the following three sequentially
examined requirements: 1) it must include all of the elements of statutory
crime definition; 2) it must be unlawful from the perspective of the legal
system as a whole and; 3) it must have been committed culpably, that is
to say, in a personally *381 blameworthy manner. An essential corollary
of the "structured" approach to the crime analysis is a basic distinction
between justifications, that is circumstances negating objective unlawfulness
of the conduct, and excuses, which negate only culpability of an actor.
In short, justifications make otherwise forbidden conduct legally correct,
while excuses make it merely forgivable, but still unlawful. This conceptual
distinction, adopted by penal theory and practice in many countries [FN27]
is all but ignored in the book under review; [FN28] and, there are reasons
to believe, was not recognized by the code's draftsmen as well.
The structured approach to crime analysis, and corresponding conceptual distinctions, are significant not only in drafting, but also in the process of interpretation and application of law. A good illustration on this point is provided by Naumov's approach to the defense of superior orders. Art. 42 of the code, entitled, "Execution of an Order or Instruction," reads,
*382 The provision grants very broad
immunity to individuals carrying out unlawful orders or regulations within
any hierarchial governmental structure whether military or civilian. [FN29]
The code does not distinguish between facially lawful and manifestly unlawful
orders, extending the immunity to both. It is difficult to imagine a more
misguided provision for a country whose government has been and continues
to be notorious for its lawless behavior. [FN30] Still, broad immunity
unwisely granted by art. 42 is susceptible to at least two possible interpretations:
First, it can be argued that the executor of an unlawful order unaware
of its illegality should be free from responsibility because he may not
be personally blamed for obeying his superior. In other words, the executor's
action, while objectively unlawful, remains free from sanction as forgivable.
Under this interpretation, a victim of governmental encroachment at least
preserves his right of self-defense. Second, an alternative interpretation
would have it that an unlawful order makes conduct of the executor justified,
hence lawful. In effect, victims of official lawlessness would be denied
their right of self-defense.
Since the basic distinction between justification
and excuse is all but ignored in the book, the author never even considers
the two possible theories of immunity under art. 42. Instead, Naumov, without
discussion, seems to subscribe to a conclusion that government agent who
carries out an order unbeknownst to him unlawful--acts himself in a lawful
manner. [FN31] Such interpretation, by no means compelled by the language
of art. 42, makes a bad situation even worse. [FN32]
*383 Another crucial point at which
Russian penal theory deviates from the ideas dominant in the West is concerning
the crucial concept of culpability. Naumov and his colleagues still adhere
to a narrow concept of culpability, identifying it as a "mental element"
of crime in the "form" of intent or negligence. [FN33] This concept, consistent
with the standard Soviet approach, and known as the "psychological theory"
of culpability, was long ago discarded by the penal theory dominant in
Western Europe as analytically deficient and, more importantly, as unfair
to the defendant. It is now widely recognized that culpability is not reducible
merely to psychological "facts"; instead its essence resides in personally
blameworthy decision of an actor who breached the duty to obey the law
under the circumstances when law abiding conduct could be fairly expected
and required of him (the normative theory of culpability). [FN34] Accordingly,
not every intent to engage in forbidden conduct justifies a finding of
culpability, it must be intent formed under normal motivational situation.
By the same token, intent formed in an abnormal motivational circumstances,
such for example, as duress or unavoidable mistake regarding legal prohibition
should not be equated with culpability since the actor's failure to comply
with law is not blameworthy. [FN35] By broadening the inquiry, the normative
theory forces the law maker as well as the law interpreter to confront
certain important issues, like mistake of law or duress, as an integral
part of inquiry into actor's culpability, whereas the psychological theory
makes it much easier either to ignore such issues or to approach them as
separate, free standing policy questions.
These, and perhaps other differences in
the theoretical concepts and approaches, are responsible for several peculiarities
of the new Russian criminal code in comparison with modern European codifications.
[FN36] Let us examine the new Russian code from the perspective of three
principles basic to modern penal systems: legality, culpability and ultima
ratio of the criminal sanction. The general question to be addressed is
to what extent the code successfully implements these principles.
The principle nullum crimen, nulla poena
sine lege is considered as fundamental to the rule of law by all penal
systems of continental Europe. It is commonly understood as including at
least four requirements: 1) making statutory law the exclusive source of
criminalization; 2) prohibition of criminalization by analogy; 3) prohibition
of ex post facto laws; and 4) a requirement of definiteness of criminal
statutes. [FN37]
The new code spells out explicitly first three requirements (arts. 3 and 10 sec. 1, 2d. sentence). A separate provision barring criminalization by analogy (art. 3 sec. 2), although normatively redundant, is historically understandable in view of the infamous provisions of the Soviet-Russian criminal codes of the 1920's. Given this strong aversion toward analogy, it is rather surprising that the code does not include any provision which would authorize imposition of criminal responsibility for "causing" harmful result by omission. Naumov approaches the matter as unproblamatic and flatly asserts that crimes defined in terms of bringing about ("causing") harmful results can be committed by omission as well as by action. [FN38] The conclusion is, however, far from obvious. The issue has been extensively discussed in European criminal law theory; many authors convincingly argued that omission as an absence of a positive action prescribed by law does not and cannot "cause" anything (ex nihilo nihil fit) although for reasons of social policy can be legally treated as if it were a causative factor. [FN39] The principle nullum crimen sine lege requires, however, explicit statutory authorization of criminal responsibility for such omissions as well as explicit statutory determination of triggering condition of such responsibility. A number of modern European penal codes include provisions addressing the issue. [FN40] It is considered axiomatic today that the requirement of definiteness of penal statutes is part-and-parcel of the principle of legality. Indeed, vague, open- ended penal legislation can easily reduce the nullum crimen *385 principle to an empty declaration. As Hans Welzel pointed out in his classical treatise,
The principle of culpability is recognized in European democracies as a fundamental precept of criminal law. Since criminal sanction expresses social condemnation, it must be personally deserved by an actor. Consequently, not only must the ascription of responsibility be contingent upon a finding of personal culpability, but the severity of punishment must not exceed the limits of actor's culpability. [FN45] Preventive goals of criminal punishment may be pursued only within the limits marked by culpability of an actor. This way the culpability principle works as a restrain on the government, as a safeguard against inflicting punishment on undeserving individuals for some *386 purely pragmatic reasons. [FN46] As Karl Lackner put it commenting on German law,
This assessment changes, when the new Russian code is examined from a broader perspective of the normative theory and compared with modern European codifications. The following deficiencies are readily notable:
The Ultima Ratio of the Criminal Sanction
The ultima ratio principle means that criminal
sanction should be used only as a measure of last resort and only with
a degree of severity not exceeding requirements of social necessity. In
short, it is a principle of minimum punitiveness possible. This principle,
albeit not explicitly articulated in the code, seems to have informed much
of the drafting process. Excessive severity, one of the outstanding characteristics
of Soviet criminal law, [FN60] has by no means been overcome in postcommunist
Russia; in fact, the situation seems to have deteriorated. [FN61]
The new code, albeit timidly, marks a desperately needed first step in the right direction by both decriminalizing various types of conduct as well as ameliorating severity of sanctions. The following notable examples will illustrate a general tendency:
Aspirations of the new criminal code appear
to be high. The code is supposed to overcome the legacy of repressiveness
and arbitrariness of the Soviet past, to create a system responsive to
the needs of a society based on market economy, political pluralism and
the rule of law. The code, therefore, is also expected to move Russian
criminal law toward the mainstream of modern European penological theory
and practice as well as to bring substantial stability to the country's
criminal legislation. Even a cursory look at the code raises serious questions
whether and, if so to what extent, those objectives have been met.
Comprehensive codification of criminal
law, if it is to become a major factor of stability for the years to come,
must be anchored in a broad consensus on basic issues of penal policy and
doctrine. Such consensus was absent on the eve of codification in chaotic,
deeply politically divided and crime ridden Russia. Frantic attempts to
amend the code immediately after its adoption clearly demonstrate that
the code failed to bring the expected stability.
One of the stubborn legacies of the Soviet
past is a punitive mindset of the Russian general public--an inclination
to seek solutions to societal problems in repressive measures. This mindset
has been enhanced by the harsh realities of life in postcommunist Russia:
staggering levels of street and white-collar criminality, conspicuous consumption
of the predatory possessing class amidst widespread poverty. Popular anger
directed at "thieves" and corrupt officials born of these conditions has
been influencing politicians at all levels including members of the parliament
and President of the Federation. In such social climate one can hardly
expect broad support for *393 the rule of law and humanization of
the penal system. The code's inconsistencies and half- hearted measures
in this regard can be explained by two conflicting impulses: a desire to
jettison the repressive legacy of the communist past and to conform to
international human rights standards on the one hand and to respond to
the public demands for severity on the other.
Finally, years of intellectual isolation
of the Russian legal establishment took its toll. It seems that the legal
elite of the country was not adequately prepared for the formidable task
of the criminal law codification. Their inability to transcend the horizon
of inherited Soviet doctrine appears to be one of the factors responsible
for many flaws of the new code.
Stanislaw Pomorski
is Distinguished Professor of Law, Rutgers University, School of Law, Camden,
New Jersey.
FN1. Ugolovnyi kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii
(R.F.), Sobraniie Zakonodatelstva R.F. 1996 #25, Item 2954 (hereafter S.Z.R.F.),
approved by the lower house of the Parliament on May 24, 1996, by the upper
house on June 5 1996, signed by President into law on June 13, 1996, effective
as of January 1, 1997 (henceforth the criminal code or the code). Regarding
legislative history of the code see Naumov, "The New Russian Criminal Code
as a Reflection of Ongoing Reforms," 8 Criminal L. Forum 191, 197-98 (1997);
Lammich, "Das neue russische Strafgesetzbuch von 1996," 109 Zeitschrift
fur die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Heft 2, 417-19 (1997).
FN2. For a general discussion of an on-going
law reform in Russia see Peter H. Solomon, Problemy razvitiia pravogo stroia
v postsovetskoi Rossii (Problems of the Development of the Legal System
in post-Soviet Russia) (1997); Reforming Justice in Russia 1864-1996, 282-396
(Peter H. Solomon ed. 1997); Gordon B. Smith, Reforming the Russian Legal
System (1996). See also Solomon, "The Persistance of Judicial Reform in
Comtemporary Russia," 6 East European Constitutional Review, No. 4, 50
(Fall 1997).
FN3. S. Z. R.F. 1997, No. 1, Item 1.
FN4. Ugolovno-ispravitel'nyi kodeks R.F.,
S. Z. R.F. 1997, No. 2., Item 198. The correctional code became effective
as of July 1, 1997.
FN5. Personal communication from Professor
Valerii Savitskii, an expert of the Russian Duma on criminal procedure.
The new code of criminal procedure passed the "first reading" before the
State Duma, in the summer of 1997. Rossiiskaia Iustitsiia 1997, No. 8,
17.
FN6. According to the opinion prevailing
in the international business community, Russia is one of the world's most
corrupt nations along with such countries as Nigeria, Colombia, Bolivia,
Pakistan, Mexico, Indonesia, Venezuela, Vietnam and India. Barbara Crossette,
"Survey Ranks Nigeria as Most Corrupt Nation," The New York Times, August
3, 1997, A-3. Reportedly, there were "twice as many homicides in Moscow
in 1997 as in New York." Alexandra Stanley, "In Its Dreams Russia Solves
Its Crime Problem," The New York Times, March 15, 1998, Section 4,4.
FN7. See Center for Strategic and International
Studies Task Force Report, Russian Organized Crime (1997); Russian Organized
Crime: The New Threat? (Phil Williams ed., 1997). See also Douglas Farah,
"Russian Mob, Drug Cartels Joining Forces; Money Laundering, Arms Sales
Spreading Across Caribbean," Washington Post, September 29, 1997, A-1.
("Barry R. McCaffrey, the Clinton administration's national drug-control
policy director, said 'the Russians, along with Nigerians, are the most
threatening criminal organizations based in the United States"' Id.)
FN8. Anatolii V. Naumov, Rossiiskoe ugolovnoe
pravo. Obshchaia chast' (Russian Criminal Law. The General Part) 550 (1996)
(hereafter Naumov).
FN9. The book does not discuss specific
offenses included in the Special Part of the code (such as murder, rape,
larceny, etc.) For a comprehensive exposition and analysis of the Special
Part of the code see: V.N. Kudriavtsev and A.V. Naumov (eds.), Rossiiskoe
ugolovnoe pravo. Osobennaia chast' (Russian Criminal Law. The Special Part)
(1997); A.V. Naumov (ed.), Kommentarii k ugolovnomu kodeksu Rossiiskoi
Federatsii (Commentary to the Criminal Code of the R.F.) 264-806 (1996)
(hereafter Commentary).
FN10. Naumov, supra n. 8, Chapter III.
FN11. Id., Chapters IV-XIV, XIX
FN12. Id., Chapters XV-XVIII; XX-XXI. In
these chapters, the author discusses the concept and purposes of criminal
punishment, the "system of statutory penalties," the guiding principles
of sentencing, the "release from punishment," amnesty, executive clemency
and expungement of criminal record. In addition, the volume under review
includes also a discussion of compulsory medical treatment of mentally
deranged offenders as well as responsibility of juveniles, (Chapters XXIII
and XXII respectively).
FN13. Regarding history of Russian criminal
legislation see id., 60-89. The reader will find, dispersed throughout
the book, short biographical sketches of better known Russian/Soviet criminal
law writers emphasizing their contributions to particular areas of penal
theory. The whole last chapter (XXV) is devoted to major schools of penological
thought including, but not limited to, a discussion of thinkers of French
and Italian enlightenment as well as theorists belonging to classical,
anthropological and sociological schools of criminal law and criminology.
Apropos the founder of the anthropological school (whose theory the author
condemns with somewhat excessive zeal), Naumov relates a little known and
amusing story about Lombroso's visit to Leo Tolstoy's estate Yasnaia Poliana.
The visit took place in 1897. The creator of War and Peace was not impressed
by the intellect and personality of his Italian guest. Naumov quotes a
relevant entry in Tolstoy's diary, "Lombroso was here, a limited, naive
oldster." Id., at 544. Contrary to the established academic wisdom, Naumov
considers Enrico Ferri a member of the anthropological rather than sociological
school. Id., at 543. For reasons unknown, great English theorists are completely
ignored. J. Bentham, J. Austin, J.S. Mill and H.L.A. Hart are not mentioned
even by name.
FN14. See id., Chapter XXIV. This chapter
strikes me as less than impressive. The discussion is quite perfunctory,
suffice it to say that the author's presentation of information about criminal
law in the United States is limited to two (2) printed pages. Bibliographical
references are skimpy and exclusively in Russian. A useful improvement
for future editions of the book would be inclusion of a more developed
discussion of foreign penal law, better integrated with a discussion of
particular doctrines of Russian law. This approach would be more functional
since it places particular segments of municipal law in a broader comparative
perspective and enables the reader to draw his own conclusions about their
relative merits or demerits. Such an integrative approach was successfully
applied in a fine German criminal law treatise. See Hans-Heinrich Jescheck
& Thomas Weigend, Lehrbuch des Strafrechts Algemeiner Teil. (Handbook
of Criminal Law The General Part) (5th ed., 1996), where the authors at
the end of topical sections dealing with German law present parallel information
about foreign law on particular points.
FN15. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 46-57. See
also Lammich, supra n. 1, at 419.
FN16. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 150.
FN17. The code, arts. 275-76, 278-79. Under
the new code, capital punishment is provided for five offenses, each involving
an aggravated intentional homicide or, in three instances, also an attempt
thereof. Comp. arts. 105 sec. 2, 277, 295, 317 and 357.
FN18. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 84-85. The
author does not mince any words denouncing also psychiatric repression
against political and religious dissidents. Id., at 498.
FN19. On the very first page of the volume under review, Naumov salutes the USSR Supreme Court for the "very high professional level" of its jurisprudence. One wonders how a major operator of an admittedly oppressive, manipulative and corrupt system can at the same time deserve such laudatory evaluation. It has been common knowledge that Soviet judges were in fact pitiful clerics totally subservient to the power holders i.e., to the communist party apparatus.
The highest tribunal of the country was
no exception. That much was openly and many times admitted even in the
Soviet publications of the perestroika period. See Pomorski, "Communists
and Their Criminal Law Revisited," 14 Law and Social Inquiry 581, 595 (1989)
and the Soviet publications of the 1980's digested and cited therein. Naumov
showers high compliments on scores of Soviet criminal law experts including
individuals who played an active part operating the criminal law system
even in its most repressive periods. See, for example, Naumov, supra n.
8, at 43.
FN20. Naumov treats with particular reverence
a gigantic work of Professor N.S. Tagantsev, both as a theorist and a codifier
of penal law. Tagantsev played a central role in the drafting of the 1903
criminal code and authored among many other learned works, a famous handbook
of criminal law. Naumov, supra n. 8, 35, 41-42, 68-74.
FN21. Id., at 35, 74.
FN22. Lammich, supra n. 1, at 433.
FN23. Id.
FN24. Rossiiskie Vesti, July 18, 1997,
1; Lammich, supra n. 1, at 433.
FN25. Regarding specific instances see
infra nn. 37-72 and accompanying text.
FN26. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 34.
FN27. Eser, "Justification and Excuse:
A Key Issue in the Concept of Crime," in Albin Eser & George P. Fletcher
(eds.), 1 Justification and Excuse. Comparative Perspective 17, 20 (1987).
Regarding the "structured" approach to crime analysis in Japan, see Shigemitsu
Dando, The Criminal Law of Japan: The General Part 57-192 (1997).
FN28. After listing six types of "circumstances excluding criminality of conduct," Naumov concludes,
All of these circumstances exclude criminal unlawfulness (...), as well as social dangerousness, culpability, punishability and consequently criminality. It means that conduct committed under these circumstances, does not include indicia of crime ...
Naumov, supra n. 8, at 326-27.
This statement, is clearly at odds with
the "structured" approach to crime analysis. Under this approach, if a
conduct in question does not include indicia ("material elements") of a
crime charged, the question of "circumstances excluding criminality" never
arises, since there is nothing to exclude, there is no prima facie case
of criminality. Moreover, if an act is not "unlawful" the question of culpability
should not arise, since the question of culpability becomes sensible only
when conduct is wrongful or unlawful. To put it bluntly: when conduct in
question is in conformity with prevailing law--there is nothing to forgive.
See also a statement at id., at 328 obviously at odds with the distinction
between justification and excuse.
FN29. Naumov inaccurately suggests that
the code models a defense of superior orders after a pattern set by the
Nuremberg law. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 356. In fact, quite the opposite
is true. Art. 8 of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal,
reads, "The fact that the defendant acted pursuant to order by his Government
or a superior shall not free him from responsibility, but may be considered
in mitigation of punishment if the Tribunal determines that justice so
requires." For a further discussion see: Eser, " 'Defenses' in War Crime
Trials," 24 Israel Yearbook of Human Rights 201, 204-13 (1984).
FN30. For a suggestive and lengthy description
of governmental lawlessness in present day Russia see Amnesty International,
"Torture in Russia. This man- made Hell," (April 1997).
FN31. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 356.
FN32. Let me illustrate this general statement
by a horrifying and reportedly, not unrealistic example: As Amnesty International
reports, a "secret instruction" of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs
directed its "special forces" to practice martial arts by entering penal
facilities and launching assaults on prisoners. Torture in Russia, supra
n. 30, at 35. Let us suppose now that two members of the special forces
carry out such assault: Private A while punching and kicking prisoners
has no idea that his superiors, who ordered the assault, acted unlawfully,
whereas corporal B who engages in a similar conduct, realizes the criminal
nature of superior orders. Should inmates abused by the private be denied
the right of self-defense while prisoners brutalized by the corporal be
granted the right? How should they know that the former assailant was unaware
of the criminal nature of the orders while the latter was aware of it?
And why should it matter? Naumov never confronts these kind of issues.
FN33. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 202; V.V.
Luneev, in Commentary, supra n. 9, at 85-86. The latter substantially misrepresents
precepts of the normative theory.
FN34. The normative theory of culpability
has vast literature, especially in Germany where it was initially conceived,
developed (in several variations) and later incorporated as a part of the
prevailing law. For a comprehensive discussion see Jescheck et al., supra
n. 14, 417 ff. and authority cited therein. An excellent and concise discussion
of the both psychological and normative theories of culpability can be
found in Wladyslaw Wolter, Nauka o przestepstwie (Theory of Crime) 112-20
(1973).
FN35. Wolter, supra n. 34, at 119.
FN36. It appears that the new code, while
discarding political underpinnings of the Soviet past, remains doctrinally
conservative as far as general principles of criminal responsibility are
concerned.
FN37. Hans-Heinrich Jescheck, "Czesc ogolna
projektu z 1990 r. polskiego kodeksu karnego w swietle prawnoporownawczym
(The General Part of the 1990 Draft Polish Criminal Code in Comparative
Perspective)," Panstwo i Prawo 1992, No. 2, 27; Jescheck et al., supra
n. 14, 126-42.
FN38. Naumov, supra n. 8, 173-74.
FN39. Jescheck, supra n. 37, at 28-29.
FN40. See German criminal code, §13 (1), which reads,
Whoever fails to prevent a harm which is part of the constituent elements of a crime may be punished under this Code only if he was under a legal duty to prevent the harm, and if his failure to act was equivalent to an effective act for purposes of establishing the statutorily defined constituent elements of the crime. (transl. by Joseph J. Darby.)
The Penal Code of the Federal Republic
of Germany (1987). For a brief outline of law in other jurisdictions see
Jescheck et al., supra n. 14, at 612-13. See also the 1997 Polish penal
code, the Law of June 6, 1997, effective as of January 1, 1998, Journal
of Laws No. 88, Item 553, art. 2.
FN41. Hans Welzel, Das Deutsche Strafrecht
(German Criminal Law) 23 (11th ed. 1969).
FN42. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 89-90.
FN43. Id., at 94.
FN44. For a more extensive discussion of
this theme in connection with the principle of legality see Pomorski, "Z
problematyki tzw. normotwoczej dzialalnosci sadow w prawie karnym (Problems
of Judicial Law--making in Criminal Law)," Panstwo i Prawo, 1969, Nos.
8-9, 368-76.
FN45. Jescheck, supra n. 37, at 29. In
some countries, notably in Germany, the principle of culpability--acquired
constitutional status. The German criminal code expresses the principle
in §17 (unavoidable mistake of law is a full defense) and 46 (culpability
as a basis of assessing punishment.) Adolf Schonke & Horst Schroder,
Strafgesetzbuch Kommentar (The Criminal Code. Commentary) 289, 635 (25th
ed. 1997). For a fuller discussion see Lackner, 'Insanity and Prevention:
On Linking Culpability and Prevention in the Concept of Insanity," in Albin
Eser et al. (eds.), 2 Justification and Excuse, supra n. 27, at 895, 902
(1987).
FN46. Id., at 913.
FN47. Id.
FN48. Art. 5, sec. 1 reads,
A person shall be subject to criminal responsibility only for those socially dangerous actions (omission) and socially dangerous consequences as to which his culpability is established.
(transl. by the author.)
FN49. See, for example Luneev, supra n.
33, at 85.
FN50. 2 Kurs sovetskogo ugolovnogo prava.
Chast' obshchaia. Prestupleniie (Soviet Criminal Law. The General Part.
Crime) 260 (A.A. Piontkovskii et al., eds.) (1960).
FN51. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 206.
FN52. Id., at 49.
FN53. This provision represents a significant
novelty in Russian criminal legislation. For a further discussion see n.
61 infra and accompanying text.
FN54. See a discussion in Naumov, supra
n. 8, at 236 ff.
FN55. For a comparison see the German criminal
code §46 (1), first sentence, "The offender's culpability is the basis
for the assignment of punishment." Schonke et. al., supra n. 45, at 635.
See also the Polish penal code, supra n. 40, art. 53 §1.
FN56. Excusing necessity is a recognized
extraordinary motivational situation which makes a violation of a primary
prohibitory rule excusable. Jescheck et al., supra n. 14, 479-90. See,
for example, §35 (1), 1st sentence of the German criminal code. Schonke
et al., supra n. 45, at 580. See also the Polish penal code, supra n. 40,
art. 26 §2. Art. 40 of the Russian code, insofar as it deals with
physical compulsion making bodily movements involuntarily, is normatively
redundant. Involuntary bodily movements, whether caused by physical compulsion
or by other factors (such, for example, epileptic seizure) may not entail
criminal responsibility since they are not considered human acts. Hans
Welzel, Das neue Bild des Strafrechtsystems (The New Model of the Criminal
Law System) 1 (1961); Wolter, supra n. 34, at 159-60; Wladyslaw Macior,
Czyn ludzki i jego znaczenie w prawie karnym (Human Act and Its Significance
in Criminal Law) 47-73 (1990).
FN57. Jescheck et al., supra n. 14, at
449-68. Recently, Spain, with its 1995 criminal code joined this group.
See Jose Cerezo Mir, "Das neue Spanishe Strafgesetzbuch von 1995 (The New
Spanish Criminal Code of 1995)," 108 Zeitschrift fur die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft
857, 860 (1996). Poland adopted the defense of unavoidable mistake of law
already in its 1969 penal code and restated it in essence, in its 1997
penal code (n. 40 supra), art. 30. Naumov expresses a right intuition on
this matter claiming that an offender who did not and could not realize
that his conduct was unlawful should be free from criminal responsibility
Naumov, supra n. 8, at 235. The problem is that neither the code itself,
nor the psychological theory of culpability, give any support for this
conclusion. Naumov, in support of this view cites a 1941 decision of the
USSR Supreme Court of dubious authority today. Moreover, the decision grew
out of a case where the government did not make the new law accessible
to the defendant.
FN58. Naumov's efforts to fill the gap
are only partially successful. First of all he addresses only the issue
of putative self-defense, but does not raise the general issue of putative
justifications. Secondly, even with respect to putative self-defense Naumov's
position is ambivalent. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 335, 348.
FN59. Naumov flatly endorses the rule as
justified by the needs of social protection against drunk offenders who
"usually" (Russian: "kak pravilo") get drunk consciously and voluntarily.
Naumov, supra n. 8, at 196. Naumov claims only a narrow exception for "pathological
intoxication" cases where defendants can raise a defense of insanity. He
rejects as ill-conceived a solution proposed by one of Russian writers
trying to reconcile needs for social protection against drunk offenders
with the culpability principle. (The proposal closely followed a solution
adopted by German criminal code, (§323a) Id., 196-97. For an attempt
at "softening" the harsh rule of the Russian code, see S.V. Borodin, in
the Commentary, supra n. 9, at 83-84.
FN60. Pomorski, "Communists and their Criminal
Law. Reflections on Igor Andreev's Outline of Criminal Law of Socialist
States," 7 Rev. Socialist Law 7 (1981), the same, "Communists and their
Criminal Law Revisited," 14 Law and Social Inquiry 581 (1989).
FN61. See in general: Torture in Russia,
supra n. 30.
FN62. The general rule that only attempt
should be criminalized whereas preparation should not has been followed
in most countries. Jescheck et al., supra n. 14, 518-27; V.A. Panteleev,
D. Kozochkin, V.A. Lichachev, Ugolovnoe pravo razvivaiushchikhsia stran.
Obshchaia chast' (Criminal Law of the Developing Countries. The General
Part) 87, 95 (1988).
FN63. Criminal Code of the RSFSR, art.
15.
FN64. Arts. 15 and 30, sections 1 and 2.
The old criminal code of the RSFSR did not provide for such reduction of
severity; its art. 15 section 3 authorized statutory maximum for criminal
attempt or preparation at the same level of severity as statutory maximum
for the respective completed crimes.
FN65. Art. 66, sections 2, 3, and 4. See
however arts. 277, 295 and 317 providing for death penalty for assassination
or attempted assassination of public officers. Naumov seems to favor full
decriminalization of preparation, however expresses his preference in an
oblique manner. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 268.
FN66. See in particular chapter 31 of the
code, "Crimes Against Administration of Justice." Decriminalization of
failure to report a crime has been noted by some Russian commentators.
See, for example, Ugolovnyi kodeks Rosiiskoi Federatsii s kommentariiem
B.V. Volzhenkina (The Criminal Code of the R.F. with Commentary by B.V.
Volzhenkin) 222 (1996).
FN67. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 370-71; see
also Naumov, The New Russian Criminal Code, supra n. 1, at 214.
FN68. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 400-07.
FN69. In 1995, Russian courts sentenced
34.1 percent of convicts to prison sentences. Lammich, supra n. 1, at 426.
According to Marc Mayer, "Data for 1995 ... indicate that Russia and the
United States remain as the leading world incarcerators of 59 nations for
which we have current statistical information. The Russian rate of incarceration
is 690 [inmates] per 100,000 [population at large] and the U.S. rate, is
600 per 100,000. These rates are generally 6-10 times the rates for most
nations in western Europe". Marc Mayer, Americans Behind Bars: U.S. and
International Use of Incarceration, 1995, 3 (1997). Even relative to other
former Soviet republics, Russia's rate of incarceration is very high; by
comparison the rate reported for the same year (1995) for Belarus is 505,
Moldova 275, Ukraine 390. Moreover Russia's incarceration rate has been
rapidly increasing: between 1993 and 1995 it has grown by 24 percent, that
is from 558 to 690 inmates per 100,000 population at large. Id., 5-6. By
midyear 1997, incarceration rates in the U.S. reached 645 inmates per 100,000
residents. U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs.
See also Fox Butterfield, "Defying Gravity, Inmates Population Climbs,"
The New York Times, January 19, 1998, A-10.
FN70. Torture in Russia, supra n. 30, at
28 ff.
FN71. Art. 59 sec. 1.
FN72. Naumov, supra n. 8, at 394; Torture
in Russia, supra n. 30, at 45-46.
FN73. Torture in Russia, supra n. 30, at
45-46. See also Izvestia, January 25, 1997, at 2 (Reporting that after
Russia's admission to Council of Europe 62 individuals were executed.)
For a different view see Barry & Williams, "Russia's Death Penalty
Dilemmas," 8 Crim. L. Forum 231, 242 (1997). Report Barry & Williams,
"Several months after Russia's February 1996 admission [to Council of Europe],
a de facto moratorium on executions was effected. As of late 1997 the moratorium
was still in place." Id. According to President Yeltsin's statement of
March 2, 1998, the de facto moratorium was introduced in May 1996 and is
still in effect. Rossiiskie Vesti, March 3, 1998, 1. See also Vladimir
Yemelyanenko, "Humaneness Is Too Expensive," Current Digest of the Post-Soviet
Press, vol. XLIX, No. 40, 15 (Nov. 15, 1997). On March 30, 1998, President
Yeltsin signed into law a legislative act adopted by both houses of the
Russian parliament ratifying the European Convention on Human Rights. However,
the ratification instrument excluded Protocol No. 6 to the Convention abolishing
death penalty. See Rossiiskaia Gazeta, April 7, 1998, 3.
FN74. Art. 105, sec. 2.
FN75. Art. 357.
FN76. Arts. 277, 295, and 317. It is not
clear what is the relation between these three provisions on the one hand
and art. 66, sec. 4, which explicitly bars the death penalty (as well as
life imprisonment) in cases of attempt. Unfortunately neither the book
under review, nor other leading academic publications address this issue.
See in particular Commentary, supra n. 9, comments to arts. 277, 295 and
317; Kudriavtsev et al., supra n. 9, at 398, 418. Arguably arts. 277, 295,
and 317 as special provisions make art. 66 sec. 4 inapplicable in cases
of attempted assassination of public officers enumerated in the respective
provisions.